Mind the Gap: The New Class Divide in Britain (3rd Revised by Ferdinand Mount

By Ferdinand Mount

Via acute commentary and vibrant representation - drawing on each point of existence from cleaning soap operas, speech styles and gardening to schooling and the distribution of wealth - he demolishes the semblance that we are living in a classless society and indicates how the worst-off in Britain this day are extra culturally disadvantaged than their mom and dad or grandparents. The author's suggestions, like his causes of what has long past mistaken, are unique, striking and unsparing to intellectuals and politicians of all events.

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Extra resources for Mind the Gap: The New Class Divide in Britain (3rd Revised Edition)

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By an “associationist” view I would not mean such an attempt as Crane Brinton’s in his Anatomy of Revolution, in which the author looks for a pattern of revolutionary process as such, by comparative study of the English, American, French, Russian, and other revolutions. I would mean rather a view in which the French Revolution is seen as a kind of origin, partial cause, or distant prefigurement of the Russian Revolution, which insists upon “Jacobinism” as the “communism” of the eighteenth century, or sees a kind of continuing linear process in which the Russian Revolution is in some way a consequence of the French, or presents a more highly developed stage of the same process.

The Age of the Democratic Revolution 13 the Americans. Like all peoples, they had been exposed to influences from outside. But the French Revolution grew directly out of earlier French history. The French were untroubled by any feeling of backwardness; they did not have to strain to keep up in a march of progress. The same is generally true of the Western world at the time. The eighteenth century saw the Revolution of the Western world; the twentieth century, the Revolution of the non-­Western.

There remained in France, under the Directory, amorphous democratic groups which looked back with favor on the Constitution of the Year I (1793) and the Committee of Public Safety. They were often quite respectable people, and represented no single social class. At Toulouse, for example, they included a few of the wealthiest citizens, and many businessmen and lawyers, as well as artisans, tradesmen, and mechanics. They even won a national election in 1798, to no avail, since they were put down by a coup d’état.

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