Living together in multi-ethnic neighbourhoods: The meaning by Karin Peters

By Karin Peters

In Western societies, resembling the Netherlands, individuals with various ethnic backgrounds stay jointly in city components. This e-book examines lifestyle in multi-ethnic neighbourhoods and the that means of public areas for social integration. via observations and interviews in Dutch towns (Nijmegen and Utrecht) perception is received into the use and notion of public areas. optimistic stories in public areas give a contribution to feeling at domestic in a multi-ethnic neighbourhood. not just extreme and lasting contacts, but in addition fleeting interactions give a contribution to feeling at domestic. adventure with range contributes to a practical view of multiculturalism, a view that's in accordance with daily reviews, with all its confident and detrimental implications. This, notwithstanding, doesn't suggest that citizens don't use stereotypes or categorizations. in spite of the fact that, there's a significant distinction among the general public discourse - which makes a speciality of modifications and difficulties - and daily encounters, that are perceived with the intention to adventure and revel in range. ideas are that politicians may still examine the standard realities in multi-ethnic neighbourhoods whilst discussing matters with regards to multi-ethnic societies. many times stressing the dichotomy among local and non-native Dutch electorate and concentrating on difficulties, has a destructive impression at the daily lives of individuals since it produces and reproduces stereotyped photographs. Integration isn't just approximately non-native Dutch citizens adapting themselves to Dutch society: it's also concerning the volume to which individuals from a variety of backgrounds dwell jointly and consider at domestic of their neighbourhood

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In this second phase, the minority policy was renamed ‘integration policy’, indicating that the target was no longer groups but individuals. The focus shifted towards integration, putting more emphasis on the fact that ethnic minorities should make use of the opportunities that were offered to them. This led to the formulation of further republican integration policies throughout the 1990s, in which the emphasis was on the individual rather than the group, and on the socio-economic rather than the cultural and religious aspects of integration.

Instead of deriving identities from the productive sphere, social identities are now largely derived from lifestyles and consumption patterns. Leisure has become a realm from which identities are derived. g. Aitchison, 2001; Green and Singleton, 2006; Henderson, 1998; Kelly, 1983). Although people can construct their own identities, context partly determines the degree of freedom to construct one’s own identity. At work and in schools, rules and regulations can restrict Living together in multi-ethnic neighbourhoods 47 Part II this process, while during leisure activities, identities can be negotiated and constructed more consciously.

Culturalism is de rigueur (cf. Rath 1993, 1999; Schinkel, 2007). Integration is seen as a one-way process whereby immigrants have to change, the problem has to be solved by assimilation and the government is seen as the only institution capable of making integration happen (Rath, 2009). Thus, although given different names, the discourses used in Dutch policies on integration are characterized by focusing on the differences between native Dutch citizens and nonnative Dutch citizens, with an emphasis on the incompatibility of Islam with the basic values of Western culture (Shadid, 2006).

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