By Kathryn Edin, Sarah Halpern-Meekin, Laura Tach, Jennifer Sykes
The area of welfare has replaced substantially. because the bad exchange welfare tests for low-wage jobs, their low profits qualify them for a hefty cost come tax time—a mix of the earned source of revenue tax credits and different refunds. for lots of operating mom and dad this one cost is like hitting the lottery, providing numerous months' wages in addition to the desire of making an investment in a greater destiny. Drawing on interviews with a hundred and fifteen households, the authors examine how mom and dad plan to exploit this annual money providence to accumulate rate reductions, return to college, and ship their young ones to school. although, those desires of upward mobility are usually dashed by way of the trouble of attempting to get via on meager wages. In obtainable and fascinating prose, It's in contrast to I'm terrible examines the prices and merits of the recent work-based security internet, suggesting how you can increase its strengths in order that extra of the operating negative can notice the promise of a middle-class existence.
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Extra resources for It's Not Like I'm Poor: How Working Families Make Ends Meet in a Post-Welfare World
In more encompassing welfare states, the detrimental effects of marriage dissolution are likely to be weaker. On the other hand, in no country is it likely that the effects of growing family instability will be completely mitigated by welfare policies. One important aspect of contemporary analyses of inequality has been an increased emphasis on changes over the life cycle and their connections to the institutional framework. In Chapter Six, Sara Arber illustrates this by arguing for the importance of taking gender and family status into account Introduction 13 when analyzing inequalities in later life.
Association between origins and destinations is weaker for all “alternative” family forms than they are for two-parent intact families. This ﬁnding suggests that as fewer children grow up in twoparent families social scientists may expect intergenerational mobility patterns to become more ﬂuid. In conclusion, Sørensen discusses to what extent the ﬁndings from the United States can be applied to other countries. Sørensen argues that on the one hand, the welfare state in the United States offers a particularly weak buffer against downward mobility and poverty connected to divorce and single motherhood.
But even during this stage, very broad categories and dichotomies like “the work society” versus “the welfare state” and “modern” life courses versus “traditional” life courses were the focus of the debate rather than issues related to crossnational and historical variation. It is, ﬁnally, only from the middle half of the 1980s and into the 1990s that something like a “differential” life course sociology developed, that is, descriptions of how patterns of life courses varied between more and more delimited historical periods and between societies.