Counterrevolution in Argentina, 1900-1932 : the Argentine by Unknown

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Moreover, despite Socialist rhetoric, the army represented no danger to Argentine civil tradition. 16 Many other officers probably shared Uriburu's view of the left as antinational.  Paradoxically, they sometimes combined love for native traditions with pride in Argentine "whiteness"—a legacy of immigration.  In addition, liberals claimed that it would not please the Protestant immigrants they hoped to attract to Argentine shores. 23 These sentiments seemed rational and constructive, yet his attitudes on "Encyclopedism" and ''cosmopolitanism" suggested intolerance.

Some feminists also wanted the vote, but this issue did not gain widespread support within the women's movement until the 1930s.  One of these was the feminists' disinterest in, if not hostility toward, religion.  This difference was attributable not only to the more plebeian origins of the feminists, but to the fact that the latter were more likely to have received professional training than the society matrons.  Their migratory life­style and extreme poverty, as well as a rural labor surplus, inhibited organizational efforts.

Few immigrants now had sufficient funds to buy land. Therefore, absentee landownership and tenant farming became the rule, particularly in the cereal belt.  The FAA did not yet propose radical changes in the landowning system, nor did it invite the participation of landless laborers.  This quarter­century of conflict engendered new political parties whose conduct would, in turn, affect the rise of counterrevolution.  Great landowners and distinguished provincial politicians were also found, however, in Autonomist ranks.

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