By Bob Woodward
Award-winning writer and journalist Bob Woodward turns his consciousness to the presidency of George W. Bush. ahead of the acts of terrorism on eleven September, George W. Bush's presidency were beset by way of a number of difficulties. not just used to be it in lots of peoples eyes invalid, only a few humans took him heavily as a global statesman. Then following one violent senseless act of terrorism, George W. Bush grew to become a president that his state may well depend on, one they felt they can belief to guide them via those tricky occasions. And the realm observed a guy who was once decisive and resolute, a president who was once possible made up our minds to direction out the folks who had performed the heinous acts. yet 12 months after the assaults how has the forty fourth President of the U.S. fared? And what have been the particular behind the curtain discussions that happened when the rustic used to be rocked by means of the drawback? Bob Woodward has been shadowing the President when you consider that these fateful occasions, he was once allowed unparalleled entry to closed-door conferences and briefings and this masterful ebook is a glance at what relatively occurred.
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Extra info for Bush at War (Bush at War, Book 1)
Thoreau's 'A Plea for Captain John Brown' (1860) had already spoken of Brown's 'immortal life'. See Henry David Thoreau, Civil Disobedience and Other Essays, New York: Dover, 1993,47. 30 The use of fanaticism as a term with which to brand opponents of imperial and colonial policies was not exclusive to the British. Reversing Catherine II's eighteenthcentury policy of tolerance and 'Islamization', and explicitly relying on the Lumieres' understanding of religious fanatisme as a key threat to political order and unity, Russian Tsarist administrators employed it to identifY Islamic political movements in Central Asia.
177. , 62. 54 22 Fanaticism menacingly prey to the passions and inevitably harbour 'a deplorable susceptibility to the excitations of envy and hatred' ,S7 he argues - referring to the spread of both anti-Semitism and doctrines of social revolution - that publics as immaterial crowds are a specific danger of the 'new democracies', pushed this way and that by the guile of demagogic writers who are, of course, capable on a whim of crystallizing dispersed publics into baying, 'acephalic' mobs. But though he too refers to fanaticism as a kind of political monomania, a pathology of excessive conviction, his real concern is with forms of social 'hypnotism'.
Allies for Freedom & Blacks on john Brown, Cambridge, MA: Da Capo, 2001, 125. Figures ofExtremism 9 to the brink of self-destruction in the name of an abstraction'. 21 But what of the abolitionists themselves? What was their response to being stigmatized as blind fanatics, fulminating wildly in the mists of abstraction? FANATICS AGAINST SLAVERY As Joel Olson has recently shown, in work that makes a rare contribution to what he terms a 'critical theory of zealotry' 22 - a theory in which the consideration of fanaticism challenges the limitations ofliberal political theory- the epithet 'fanatic' was worn as a badge of pride among the radical wing of the abolitionist movementY Moreover, it was incorporated into a theory and practice of political rhetoric, agitation and action.